Gennady Moskal, whose biography is replete with secrets and shocking antics, is one of the most prominent politicians in modern Ukraine. The intricate political fate and many posts give him an extraordinary personality, and his impulsiveness and soldier straightforwardness cause conflicting assessments. A fighter against corruption and the patron of gangsters, an excellent administrator and rude bureaucrat, an ardent nationalist and supporter of the autonomy of the Tatars - all these characteristics were received by one person, Moskal Gennady Gennadevich.
Biography
He was born in the village of Zadubrovka in the Chernivtsi region on December 11, 1950 into an international family: Ukrainians Moskal Stepanii Pavlovna and Tatar Gayfullin Gennady Khadeevich. And immediately the mysterious story of the name of the future politician began.
Gennady Moskal himself, whose biography for journalists became a tidbit, says that two years before his father's death, he bore his last name, which then changed to his mother's, apparently, for security reasons. After all, not even seven years have passed since the mass deportation of Tatars accused of aiding Germans in Crimea. The Tatars were suspicious, if not hostile, so the change of surname seemed reasonable.
In 1966, having studied eight school classes, Gennady entered the railway technical school, graduated from it in 1970, and immediately went to work in Ternopol as an inspector in the wagon economy, where he worked until 1973 with a break for two-year military service.
Service in the authorities
But the growth opportunities and the position of a road lineman did not correspond to the energy and ambitions of Moskal. In 1973, he moved to Chernivtsi and got a criminal wanted list, while at the same time he studied in absentia at the Higher Police School, which he graduated with the rank of lieutenant in 1980.
The service career of a capable inspector went uphill, along with her personal life was adjusted. In November 1977, he married Oris Linsky and took her last name. Journalists found not only copies, but also originals of documents from the registry office confirming this fact. Under Linsky, he is recorded in the birth certificate of Irina's only daughter.
We could not find out the motives for the action, but there is a version that the politician still has two passports for different surnames. Not surprisingly, Gennady Moskal himself rejects all this. The biography and business of a public person is completely in the palm of the public, especially for a politician, such a fact is a blow to his reputation. Moskal tried through the court to refute the results of a “false” investigation, but in 2013 the Chernivtsi court refused him. Then the Maidan began, and the story of the three surnames of the politician was safely forgotten.
From inspector to governor
Moskal confidently walked up the career ladder, distinguished by his ability to work and zeal. In 1978, he was a senior inspector of the Chernivtsi police department. In 1984 - deputy chief of the police department, in 1986 - head of the criminal investigation department of the executive committee of Chernivtsi, in 1992 - head of the regional criminal police. In 1995, Gennady Gennadevich moved to neighboring Uzhgorod to lead the police of the Transcarpathian region.
And in 1997 he became the head of the Main Directorate of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Crimea. The first high-profile scandals happened here, and the public opinion was divided. For some, Moskal became a thunderstorm of organized crime, while others were outraged by its ties with gang leaders. The authorities praised the cool methods and results of the main Crimean policeman. In 2000, Moskal headed the next regional police department, now in Dnepropetrovsk.
Governors and Rada
In June 2001, Gennady Moskal, whose biography made the second big zigzag, became the governor of the Transcarpathian region he knew. So begins his ambiguous and vibrant political career. The first short-lived governorship was remembered by conflicts with the Rusyns and the resolute rejection of their talk of autonomy.
Since September 2002, he headed the State Committee for Nationalities and Migration for three years and is particularly remembered by the initiative to create a full-fledged Autonomy of the Tatars in Crimea. It was strange to hear from a fierce opponent of separatism of Transcarpathian Rusyns. One of the explanations was the version that Gennady Moskal, whose biography and nationality has Tatar roots, shows loyalty to the Tatars in memory of his father.
It is interesting that at the same time, Moskal became a supporter of the future “orange” president - Yushchenko, in the camp of which were the main Tatar nationalists, leaders of the Mejlis. In the winter of 2005, Yushchenko first appointed Gennady Gennadyevich the head of the Kiev criminal police, where his boss was Yuri Lutsenko, and in November this year - the governor of the Luhansk region. Moskal in his tough manner defended the interests of Yushchenko, but after a deafening victory in the local elections of communists and regionals in 2006, he asked for his resignation.
Over the year, he visited several important government posts: he represented the interests of the president in Crimea, was deputy head of the SBU and deputy secretary of the country's national security service. And in the fall of 2007, Moskal successfully passed parliamentary elections from the People’s Self-Defense Party, created by Y. Lutsenko. In the next parliamentary elections in 2012, he receives a deputy seat from the Yatsenyuk party - Front Zmin, which merges into Tymoshenko’s Bloc.
Euromaidan - the case of snipers
During the events of Euromaidan, Gennady Moskal, whose biography has approached a new page, is an oppositionist, deputy, and chairman of a parliamentary commission investigating the killings on Maidan. The investigation quickly yielded results: the snipers from the special services and Yanukovych were accused. Western politicians warmly supported this verdict, and Moskal earned a lot of political points.
Therefore, his appointment as governor of the Lugansk region, already burning in a military conflict, seems logical. It happened on September 18, 2014. Moskal immediately began to take drastic measures in the fight against separatism, in every possible way supporting the volunteer battalions. But after their apparent atrocities against civilians and innocents, the governor attacked them with criticism. Moskal also became famous for the idea of the blockade of rebel territories. He came to the post as a savior in a critical situation, and left, arguing with everyone.
July 15, 2015 once again became the governor of almost native Transcarpathian region, holds this position to this day.